{"id":2981,"date":"2024-01-29T08:35:01","date_gmt":"2024-01-29T13:35:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/?p=2981"},"modified":"2024-01-29T08:35:01","modified_gmt":"2024-01-29T13:35:01","slug":"governor-hochuls-budget-plans-for-democracy-in-ny","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/governor-hochuls-budget-plans-for-democracy-in-ny\/","title":{"rendered":"Governor Hochul\u2019s Budget Plans for Democracy in NY"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>Buried deep in Governor Hochul\u2019s budget <a href=\"https:\/\/www.budget.ny.gov\/pubs\/archive\/fy25\/ex\/index.html\">plans<\/a> are measures that can have a big impact on democracy in New York.\u00a0 While virtually anything in a budget can impact democracy, the governor\u2019s budget plans offer measures to reduce the influence of special interests and impact public oversight.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Reducing the influence of big money donors in state elections will bolster democracy in New York.&nbsp; In her budget, the governor <a href=\"https:\/\/www.governor.ny.gov\/sites\/default\/files\/2024-01\/FY2025_NYS_Executive_Budget_Briefing_Book.pdf\">proposed<\/a> $100 million to provide money for the state\u2019s new voluntary system of public financing for candidates running for state office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Allowing a voluntary system of public financing \u2013 a system that rewards candidates who collect a large number of small contributions \u2013 has been long advocated by reformers in New York.&nbsp; An early call came from a commission established by Governor Mario Cuomo in the 1980s.&nbsp; That commission \u2013 known as the <a href=\"https:\/\/ir.lawnet.fordham.edu\/feerick_integrity_commission_reports\/\">Feerick Commission<\/a> after its chairman law school dean John Feerick \u2013 reviewed the state\u2019s campaign financing system, ethics laws, and public accountability measures.&nbsp; Their reviews, based on research and public hearings, led to the publication of over 20 reports released through the end of the Cuomo era in 1994.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Feerick Commission was more formally known as the Commission on Government Integrity and was established through the state\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Moreland_Act\">Moreland Act<\/a>, which grants the governor the authority to establish such an entity in order to root out corruption.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Feerick Commission\u2019s judgment on New York\u2019s campaign financing system was devastating:&nbsp; The state system, it concluded, was a \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/ir.lawnet.fordham.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1015&amp;context=feerick_integrity_commission_reports\">disgrace<\/a>\u201d and an \u201cembarrassment.\u201d &nbsp;The Commission then scolded state leaders for failing to act, \u201cInstead partisan, personal and vested interests have been allowed to come before larger public interests.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Feerick Commission called for a voluntary system of public financing and that call had been echoed over the thirty-five years since.&nbsp; In 2020, a new <a href=\"https:\/\/elections.ny.gov\/system\/files\/documents\/2023\/08\/2023electionlaw.pdf#page=505\">law<\/a> was approved that instituted many (but not all) of the Feerick Commission recommendations.&nbsp; No longer would New York have the highest campaign contribution limits of any state with limits.&nbsp; Instead, lower contribution limits were <a href=\"https:\/\/elections.ny.gov\/system\/files\/documents\/2023\/11\/2023contributionlimits.pdf\">approved<\/a> (although still much higher than the national <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/elections-and-campaigns\/campaign-contribution-limits-overview\">average<\/a>) and a voluntary system of public financing was <a href=\"https:\/\/pcfb.ny.gov\/\">established<\/a>.&nbsp; The new law went into <a href=\"https:\/\/pcfb.ny.gov\/system\/files\/documents\/2022\/11\/new-york-state-public-campaign-finance-board-launches-11.15.2022.pdf\">effect<\/a> for the next state election cycle, right after the 2022 election.&nbsp; So far, well over 100 candidates have <a href=\"https:\/\/publicreporting.elections.ny.gov\/PCFBCandidateRegList\/PCFBCandidateRegList\">joined<\/a> the program.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>At its core, the new <a href=\"https:\/\/pcfb.ny.gov\/program-overview\">program<\/a> matches small donor contributions (up to $250) to candidates in state government races (governor, attorney general, comptroller, state legislature) with public resources.&nbsp; For the legislative candidates, the smaller the contribution, the bigger the match. Thus, for the first $50 of a contribution, there is a $12 in public resources-to-$1 in contribution match.&nbsp; Then it\u2019s a ratio of $9-to-$1 for next $100, and finally $8-to-$1 match for the final $100.&nbsp; As a result, a $250 contribution gets $2,300 public matching funds for a total of $2,550.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The governor proposes that the state spend $100 million to provide the matching funds, which experts believe will be adequate for the upcoming legislative elections, if the Legislature agrees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The governor\u2019s budget plan also proposes spending boosts for the Board of Elections and the state\u2019s new ethics watchdog, the Commission on Ethics and Lobbying in Government.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Unfortunately, the governor did <em>not<\/em> propose to close the lobbying <a href=\"https:\/\/nypost.com\/2024\/01\/12\/metro\/albany-dems-to-push-bill-filling-lobbying-loophole-after-hochul-veto\/\">loophole<\/a> that allows special interests to secretly spend money to impact the state Senate\u2019s decisions on gubernatorial appointees.&nbsp; Under New York law, for example, spending money to influence the Public Service Commission\u2019s decision on utility <em>rates<\/em> is considered lobbying, but spending money to influence who is <em>chosen to head<\/em> the Public Service Commission is <em>not<\/em>.&nbsp; Such a distinction makes no sense, but it\u2019s the law.&nbsp; Legislation that would have closed that loophole was vetoed by Governor Hochul last year and it is expected that lawmakers will make another run at closing it again.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In one area, the governor\u2019s budget plan cuts a funding request made by a state watchdog.&nbsp; The state <a href=\"https:\/\/cjc.ny.gov\/\">Commission on Judicial Conduct<\/a> is the agency responsible for investigating complaints made against judges. &nbsp;Facing an increasing workload, the Commission had requested $770,000 in additional funding. &nbsp;Yet in her budget plan, the governor cut that request and instead <a href=\"https:\/\/www.timesunion.com\/state\/article\/hochul-slashes-budget-request-state-judicial-18624123.php\">proposed<\/a> a $184,000 increase.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Similar reductions in the increase in state aid are found throughout the governor\u2019s budget.&nbsp; The Hochul Administration presented a budget that <a href=\"https:\/\/www.budget.ny.gov\/pubs\/press\/2024\/fy25-executive-budget.html\">proposes<\/a> to close a multi-billion-dollar budget gap without raising taxes.&nbsp; Yet, given the world we live in, a world in which democracy is under constant attack, preserving the ability of agency watchdogs to do their jobs should be at \u2013 or near \u2013 the top of any budget plan.&nbsp; Lawmakers will soon get their chance to finalize the state\u2019s budget plan.&nbsp; Keeping the good proposals, while rejecting the bad, will be a real test of their commitment to protecting New York\u2019s democracy.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Buried deep in Governor Hochul\u2019s budget plans are measures that can have a big impact on democracy in New York.\u00a0 While virtually anything in a budget can impact democracy, the governor\u2019s budget plans offer measures to reduce the influence of special interests and impact public oversight. Reducing the influence of big money donors in state [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2981","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2981","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2981"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2981\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2982,"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2981\/revisions\/2982"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2981"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2981"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nypirg.org\/capitolperspective\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2981"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}